Gobha-Uisge ri Plubraich
...is creag fon t-sruth
vendredi, juin 12, 2026
AN POD GAEILGE: 'Cuirtear cluasáin ar dhaltaí sa rang Gaeilge ar eagla go gcloisfidh siad’ (An 11 Meitheamh 2025)
lundi, avril 27, 2026
OH SHENANDOAH (Paul Robeson, Bryn Terfel) | Plus Scottish Gaelic lyrics
OH SHENANDOAH
1.
Oh, Shenandoah,
I long to see you,
Away you rolling river.
Oh Shenandoah,
I long to see you,
Away, I'm bound away,
'Cross the wide Missouri.
2.
Oh Shenandoah,
I love your daughter,
Away, you rolling river.
For her I'd cross
Your roaming waters,
Away, I'm bound away,
'Cross the wide Missouri.
3.
Tis seven years,
since last I've seen you,
And hear your rolling river.
'Tis seven years,
since last I've seen you,
Away, we're bound away,
‘Cross the wide Missouri.
4.
Oh Shenandoah,
I long to see you,
And hear your rolling river.
Oh Shenandoah,
I long to see you,
Away, we're bound away,
‘Cross the wide Missouri.
5.
Oh Shenandoah
I’m bound to leave you
Away you rolling river,
Oh Shenandoah,
I’ll not deceive you,
Away, I’m bound away,
‘Cross the wide Missouri.
————————————
Provisional lyrics in Scottish Gaelic:
O SHEANANDÒ
1
O Sheanandò,
Tha mi gad ionndrainn
Thall a-null, O abhainn mhòrail
O Sheanandò,
‘S mi tha gad ionndrainn,
Mo thriall, gun roghainn ann,
A-null thar leud a’ Mhissouri.
2
O Sheanandò,
Is brèagha do nighean,
Thall a-null, O abhainn mhòrail
Às a leth, dhéidhinn
thar do thuiltean,
Mo thriall, gun roghainn ann,
A-null thar leud a’ Mhissouri.
3
Seachd bliadhna caithte
‘s mi gun d' fhaicinn
Gun d’ abhainn leathann a chluinntinn.
Seachd bliadhna caithte,
‘s mi gun d' fhaicinn,
Mo thriall, gun roghainn ann,
A-null thar leud a’ Mhissouri.
4.
O Sheanandò,
‘S mi tha gad ionndrainn,
Do shùmainn dhomhain a chluinntinn,
O Sheanandò,
Bu mhiann leam d’ fhaicinn,
Mo thriall, gun roghainn ann,
A-null thar leud a’ Mhissouri.
5.
O Sheanandò,
Dh’fheumainn triall bhuat
Thall a-null, O abhainn mhòrail,
O Sheanandò,
Chan innsinn briag riut.
Mo thriall, gun roghainn ann,
A-null thar leud a’ Mhissouri.
(Fearghas MacFhionnlaigh, 27 April 2026)
__________________________________________
SEE ALSO -
GLASGOW JEELY PIECE SONG / ÒRAN PÌOS SILIDH GHLASCHU
(Dvorak) SONG TO THE MOON / ÒRAN DHAN GHEALAICH
BROTHER CAN YOU SPARE A DIME? / A BHRÀTHAIR, DÌREACH BONN A SIA?
(Pink Floyd) RED VIBURNUM / CÈIR-ÌOCLAN DEARG
REMEMBER ME MY DEIR / CÙM CUIMHNE ORM MO GHRÀIDH
(Billie Holiday) STRANGE FRUIT / MEAS NEÒNACH
(Audioslave) I AM THE HIGHWAY / IS MIS’ AN RATHAD MÒR
____________________________________________
lundi, avril 06, 2026
HERMAN DOOYEWEERD: LAW, CREATIONAL ORDINANCES, DECALOGUE
HERMAN DOOYEWEERD: LAW, CREATIONAL ORDINANCES, DECALOGUE
(Extracts from New Critique & Roots of Western Culture)
We have already referred to one of CALVIN's statements that occurs several times in his writings: "Deus legibus solutus est" (God is not bound to the Law). This statement necessarily implies that all of the creation is subject to the Law. Christ has freed us from the ‘law of sin’ and from the Jewish ceremonial law. But the cosmic law, in its religious [ie time-transcending] fulness and temporal diversity of meaning, is not a burdensome yoke imposed upon us because of sin, but it is a blessing in Christ. Without its determination and limitation, the subject would sink away into chaos. Therefore, Calvin recognized the intrinsic subjection of the Christian to the Decalogue, and did not see any intrinsic antinomy between the central commandment of love as the religious [ie time-transcending] root of God’s ordinances, and the juridical or economic law-spheres, or the inner structural law of the state. Anabaptists lost sight of the religious [time-transcending] root of the temporal laws, and consequently placed the Sermon on the Mount, with its doctrine of love, in opposition to civil ordinances. CALVIN strongly opposed this error. He proceeded from the radical religious [time-transcending] unity of all temporal divine regulations and could therefore radically combat each absolutization of a temporal aspect of the full Law of God, as well as every spiritualistic revolution against the state and its legal order: "Christ has not received the mandate to loosen or to unbind the Law, but rather to restore the true and pure understanding of its commands which had been badly deformed by the false devices of the Scribes and the Pharisees." (Inst. II, 8, 26). (Herman Dooyeweerd, A New Critique of Theoretical Thought, Vol 1, p 518)
Some may object by posing the following questions: Is such an intricate investigation really necessary to gain insight into God's ordinances for historical development? Is it not true that God revealed his whole law in the ten commandments? Is this revelation not enough for the simple Christian? I answer with counter questions: Is it not true that God placed all the spheres of temporal life under his laws and ordinances — the laws that govern numerical and spatial relationships, physical and chemical phenomena, organic life, emotional feeling, logical thinking, language, economic life, and beauty? Are not all these laws, without exception, grounded in God's creation order? Can we find explicit scriptural texts for all of them? If not, shall we not acknowledge that God put the painstaking task to humankind to discover them? And admitting this, can we still hold that it makes no difference whether in this search we start from the ground-motive of the Word of God or are guided by unscriptural ground-motives?
Those who think they can derive truly scriptural principles for political policy formation solely from explicit Bible texts have a very mistaken notion of the nature of Scripture. They see only the letter, forgetting that the Word of God is spirit and power which must penetrate our whole attitude of life and thought. God's Word-revelation puts people to work. It claims the whole of our being; where death and spiritual complacency once held sway in us, it wants to conceive new life. Spiritually lethargic people would rather have the ripe fruits of God's revelation fall into their laps, but Jesus Christ tells us that wherever the seed of God's Word falls on good soil, we ourselves must bear fruit.
But I already hear another objection, coming this time from the followers of Karl Barth. The objection is this: what do we know of the original ordinances of creation? How can we speak so confidently of creation ordinances, as if the fall had never happened? Did not sin change them in such a way that they are now ordinances for sinful life? My reply is as follows:
The ground-motive of the divine Word-revelation is an indivisible unity. Creation, fall, and redemption cannot be separated. But Barthians virtually make such a separation when they confess that God created all things but refuse to let this creation motive completely permeate their thinking. Did God reveal himself as the Creator so that we could brush this revelation aside? I venture to say that whoever ignores the revelation of creation understands neither the depth of the fall nor the scope of redemption.
Finally, read Romans 1:19-20, where the creational ordinances are explicitly included in the general revelation to the human race. Whoever holds that the original creational ordinances are unrecognisable for fallen humankind because they were supposedly fundamentally altered by the advent of sin, essentially ends up denying the true significance of God’s common grace which maintains these ordinances. Sin did not change the creational decrees but the direction of the human heart, which turned away from its Creator. Undoubtedly, this radical fall impacts the way in which humankind discloses the powers that God enclosed in creation.
The fall affects natural phenomena, which humankind can no longer control. It impacts itself in theoretical thought led by an idolatrous ground-motive. It appears in the subjective way in which humankind gives form to the principles established by God in his creation as norms for human action. The fall made special institutions necessary, such as the state and the church in its institutional form. But even these special institutions of general and special grace are based upon the ordinances that God established in his creation order.
(Herman Dooyeweerd, ‘Roots of Western Culture: Pagan, Secular, and Christian’
« What, then, is the sense in all this extreme endeavor, conflict, and misery to which people submit themselves in order to fulfil their cultural task in the world?« Radical historicism, as it manifested itself in all its consequences in Spengler's ‘Decline of the West’, deprived the history of humankind of any hope for the future and made it meaningless. This is the result of the absolutization of the historical aspect of experience. For we have seen that the latter can only reveal its significance in an unbreakable coherence with all the other aspects of our temporal horizon of experience.« And this horizon itself points at the human ego [ie “image of God” selfhood] as its central locus of reference, both in its spiritual communion with all other human egos and in its central relationship to the Divine Author of all that has been created.« In the final analysis the problem of the meaning of history revolves around the central question of who are human beings themselves and what is their origin and their final destination? Outside of the biblical basic motive of creation, fall, and redemption through Jesus Christ, no real answer is, in my opinion, to be found to this question.« The conflicts and dialectical tensions which occur in the process of the opening-up of human culture result from the absolutization of what is relative. And every absolutization takes its origin from the spirit of apostasy, from the spirit of the civitas terrena, as Augustine called it.« There would be no future hope for humankind and for the whole process of human cultural development, if Jesus Christ had not become the center of world history. This center is bound neither to the Western nor to any other civilization, but it will lead the new humankind as a whole to its true destination, since it has conquered the world by the love revealed in its self-sacrifice. »(Herman Dooyeweerd, closing paragraphs, CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY AND THE MEANING OF HISTORY: The Criteria of Progressive and Reactionary Tendencies in History’, Paideia Press)
dimanche, mars 29, 2026
mercredi, juillet 23, 2025
DOOYEWEERD: NORMS AND NORMATIVITY
To point out effeminacy in a man’s emotional life, implies a normative structural principle lying at the foundation of this statement.
The whole social reality as such, what we call social facts, can only be ascertained by the application of norms and lines of responsibility. For example, if I say that there is a marriage between A and B, then I undoubtedly have a social relationship in view, which also has its juridical aspect. But it is a real social relationship. It is a social fact that this is a marriage. But I cannot establish that fact without the application of norms. How else would I be able to distinguish marriage from concubinage or from a relationship of free love? And so on.”
Actually, whenever one speaks of the contrast between “historical” and “unhistorical” and calls unhistorical action “reactionary,” one accepts the existence of truly historical norms. When one characterizes a certain political trend as “reactionary” one makes a historical value judgment that presupposes the application of a norm for historical development.
The contrast between historical and unhistorical action refers back to the opposition found in the logical aspect of reality between what agrees with the norm for thought and what conflicts with this norm. If a person contradicts himself in a logical argument, we accuse him of arguing illogically. The logical/illogical contrast presupposes that our thought function is placed under logical norms that can be transgressed.
Among the various aspects of reality the aspect of logical distinction is the first that displays a contrast between what ought to be and what ought not to be. The divine ordinances or laws for all subsequent aspects are normative in character. Norms are standards of evaluation, and as such they can be employed only by creatures who, endowed with a logical function, are capable of rational distinction.
A norm exists only for creatures who are responsible for their own behaviour and who are accountable for conduct that transgresses norms. Our ability to give account in this way is possible only on the basis of the faculty of logical judgment. Surely, no one would hold a sick plant or animal responsible for the abnormal functioning of its organism. No one would blame it for its sickness. Yet, we do hold someone accountable for arguing illogically.
Accountability is also at stake when we blame a political movement for its reactionary attitude toward historical development, or when we say of someone that he behaves antisocially, expresses himself ungrammatically, runs his business uneconomically, writes poor poetry, acts unjustly, conducts himself immorally, or lives in unbelief.
(Herman Dooyeweerd, from ‘A New Critique of Theoretical Thought’, & ‘Roots of Western Culture’)
mardi, juin 24, 2025
RÉPLIQUES par Alain Finkielkraut - la République de Weimar (France Culture - Radio France podcast - 21 juin 2025)
La République de Weimar fut le nom donné par les historiens au régime politique en place en Allemagne de 1918 à 1933. Au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, c'est à Weimar que siégea l'Assemblée qui avait pour mission de dresser le cadre constitutionnel de la République allemande. Comme l'écrit Jean-Paul Bled dans La République de Weimar, ce choix a "une valeur symbolique forte puisqu'il rattache la jeune République à la tradition humaniste de Goethe et de Schiller".
L'Allemagne avait retrouvé sa place, tout semblait bien parti, mais ce tout ne dura que 14 années. La tradition humaniste de Goethe et de Schiller n'aura pas fait le poids devant Hitler. Le dénouement tragique avec l'arrivée d'Hitler au pouvoir était-il inévitable ? Qui furent les premiers irresponsables ? Pouvait-on prévoir Hitler ?Quelles leçons tirer de Weimar ? Quels liens existe-t-il entre 1932 et 2025 ?
Alain Finkielkraut reçoit, pour répondre à ces questions, Johann Chapoutot, historien spécialiste d'histoire contemporaine, du nazisme et de l'Allemagne, auteur de Les irresponsables, Qui a porté Hitler au pouvoir ?

